During the 2016 US Presidential Campaign, then Republican candidate Donald Trump condemned President Barack Obama and the Democratic candidate, Hillary Clinton, for what he called their failure to call terrorism, carried about by Muslims, as “radical Islamic terrorism”.
“If it is radical Islamic terrorism, it’s about time he [Obama] said so. If it’s radical Islamic terrorism, he ought to say it. People would sigh with relief if he said that,” Trump said in an interview on Fox News the morning of the Nice, France terrorist attack.
Trump made it a regular point on the campaign trail and during presidential debates of chiding those who would not use his language on the issue. Many pundits criticised Trump for this because they believe that using the word “Islamic” which covers all of those who follow the religion, puts Muslims around the world, especially in the US, in great danger.
Trump, however, defended his choice, maintaining it was critical to call this terrorism by name.
Yet, on 12 August when white nationalist James Alex Fields drove his car into a crowd of anti-fascist protesters in Charlottesville, Virginia, killing 32-year-old Heather Heyer and injuring 19 others, President Trump decided he would not call the murder an act of terrorism.
Once a volunteer medic for the Occupy Wall Street movement, 28-year-old Robert Grodt, an American anarchist, travelled to Syria last February to join the Kurdish People’s Protection Units, better known as the YPG, in their fight against the Islamic State group.
In a video posted by the Kurdish militia, Grodt explained why he left his five-year-old daughter and the rest of his family.
“My reasons for joining the YPG were to help the Kurdish people in their struggle for autonomy within Syria and elsewhere. Also to do my best to be able to fight [IS] and help create a more secure world,” he said.
He went on to apologise to his daughter for not being there with her.
On July 6, the YPG announced that Grodt had been killed on the outskirts of Raqqa, the Islamic State group’s stronghold in northern Syria. Along with Grodt, another American, 29-year-old Nicholas Alan Warden, was also killed. Precise details of their deaths are unknown, but according to the YPG, the deaths were the result of the militant group’s operations to capture Raqqa.
Creationist Ken Ham, the notorious owner of The Ark Encounter and the Creation Museum has once again found a new way to swindle the good people of Kentucky out of their money.
Not satisfied enough with winning a court battle worth $18 million in tax rebates after convincing a judge that his for-profit business, which is actively using religion as a form of employment discrimination, he has now sold the land the theme park sits on, worth $48 million, to his own non-profit entity, Crosswater Canyon, for $10. You read that right, ten dollars.
“New atheism” has of late become increasingly sympathetic to right-wing causes and voices.
For years it was accused of anti-Muslim bigotry in the form of Islamophobia.
Proponents argue that these new atheists are simply criticising religion, and while in some cases this is true, opponents are quick to point out other times when the attacks turn to demonising Muslims in general, inflaming anti-Muslim bigotry.
The growth of such bigotry in the new atheist movement has not subsided, and in fact, in recent years has only grown to give rise to voices that promote bigotry across a broader field, bringing new atheism from a seemingly Islamophobic movement to a white nationalist one.
It’s become increasingly harder to differentiate the so-called liberal-centrists of the new atheist movement and those on the far-right, supporting Muslim travel bans and fanning the flames of racial tension around the United States.
In a time of worldwide rebellion against the political norms, it can seem impossible to keep up with the onslaught of movements set to change the course of world history.
Thankfully, Jamie Bartlett’s Radicals Chasing Utopia: Inside the Rogue Movements Trying to Change World (Nation Books, June 13, 2017), seeks to connect readers to a handful of those movements. Bartlett brings readers deep inside the libertarian movement as they attempt to create a perfect libertarian utopia, filled with imaginary Bitcoins and so much freedom you’ll die because you can’t afford healthcare, to the pits of the far-right as Bartlett spends time with the former English Defense League’s Tommy Robinson.
When it comes to current events, the Robinson chapter that resonates the most as around the globe far-right, anti-immigration groups attempt to pass themselves off not as racist, but rationals. Bartlett embedded with Robinson through his attempt to launch Pegida-UK, an anti-Islam action group that Robinson hoped would be less controversial than his previous stint with EDL. Continue reading “Radicals Chasing Utopia sets out to be your user guide to radical movements”
Both Republicans and Democrats seem to agree that health care needs to be better. For the Republican Party, they have shown us their desire. With the House of Representatives voting on Thursday to overturn many of the hallmark pieces of the Affordable Care Act in favor of their American Health Care Act. The AHCA is nothing less than a death sentence for millions of American and a massive gift to insurance companies.
The Democrats, however, only want to add what they believe are incremental improvements to the ACA, ignoring the fact that the majority of Americans, including many Republican voters, want single-payer health care.
Moments after the devastating vote, a reporter asked House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi if the Democrats would finally support single-payer, to which she answered, “no,” without skipping a beat.
”How to Kill a City” exposes how gentrification monetizes the loss and destruction of Black communities.
When tens of thousands of African Americans returned to New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina in 2005, they found a new, unwelcoming city. A city being transformed one hipster coffee shop at a time. Through gentrification, New Orleans leaders have managed to create a smaller, whiter New Orleans, one unwelcoming to those who have called the city home for their entire lives.
Many Louisiana politicians, business leaders and developers saw Katrina as an opportunity to destroy low-income housing and replace it with upscale condos and boutiques. Rich, white businessmen saw an opportunity and they didn’t hesitate to take it.
“Nobody can refute the fact that we have completely turned this story around,” Mayor Mitch Landrieu said in 2015, talking of streamlined government and year-over-year economic growth. “For the first time in 50 years, the city is on a trajectory that it has not been on, organizationally, functionally, economically, almost in every way.”